« 太平洋戦争開戦(その4)日米交渉 | トップページ | 太平洋戦争開戦(その6)新聞報道 »

2019年12月16日 (月)


ハルノートの内容は、12月11日の太平洋戦争開戦(その3)ハルノート で紹介しました。ハルノートの第6項目には日米の自由貿易に関する記述があり、石油禁輸の解除が述べられていた。

(6) 最恵国待遇ヲ基礎トスル日米間互恵通商条約締結(要旨報告)

6. The Government of the United States and the Government of Japan will enter into negotiations for the conclusion between the United States and Japan of a trade agreement, based upon reciprocal most favored-nation treatment and reduction of tradebarriers by both countries, including an undertaking by the United States to bind raw silk on the free list.

ハルノートには、中国とインドシナ(仏印)からの撤兵条件もあるが、少し異なった感じであるが、乙案でも 5-2)に仏印南部からの撤兵が述べられていた。中国に関しては、複雑であるが、短期間に解決できる見通しはなかったはず。戦争を避けようとする交渉をしていたのであり、一方的に自分の理論を述べても簡単には通らない。まして、米国関係者は、「負ける戦争を自ら仕掛ける国はいない。」との観測を持っていたはず。

1) 1941年12月1日御前会議

11月26日(日本時間11月27日)ハルノートを受領して4日後、12月1日 午後2時からの御前会議で戦争を決定するのであります。


2) ハルノート受領から真珠湾攻撃まで(野村大使、来栖大使の電報)

ハルノート受領の翌日米国東部時間11月27日に、 野村大使、来栖大使は、東郷外務大臣宛に早まった行動は差し控えるべきとの次の意見具申の電報を出している。現場からのアドバイスは興味あるところ。御前会議の内容とは異なっていた。

ワシントン 11月27日発
本省  着
然ルニ米側ニ於テハ予テノ主張並二我方ヨリ本件関係各国ノ同意取付ヲ求メタル関係上尚ホ諸国ト協議ノ上右提案ヲ為スニ至リタル次第ナルカ其ノ企図スル所ハ素ヨリ油断ヲ許ササルモ我方ニ於テハ御訓令ノ次第モアリ今日迄先方ニ対シ急速妥結ヲ迫リタルノミニテ其ノ為未タ最後通牒的意思表示ヲ為シタルコトナク又十七日大統領モno last wordsト云へルカ如キ事態ニモ鑑ミ若シ我方ニ於テ現下ノ交渉ニ何トカ区切ヲ付ケスシテ期日後ニ於テ何等自由行動ニ出ツル場合ニハ米側ハ目下関係諸国ト折衝中ナル事実モ利用シ反ツテ我方カ所期ノ行動準備ノ為メ本件会談ヲ引キスリ之カ用意成リタルヲ以テ会談継続中ニモ拘ラス勝手ニ予定ノ行動ヲ開始シタルモノノ如ク宣伝シ交渉破綻ノ責任ヲ我方ニ転嫁セントスルノ倶アルコト現ニ再三我仏印進駐ノ為メ会談停止サレタル旨ヲ言及セル事例ニ依リテモ観取セラルルヲ以テ我方カ何等本件交渉打切ノ意思表示ヲ為サスシテ突如自由行動ニ出ツルコトハ右ノ如キ逆宣伝ニ利用セラルル倶アルノミナラス大国トシテノ信義上ヨリモ考慮ヲ要スル次第ナルカ而モ斯ノ如キ意思表示ハ我軍機ト緊密ノ関係アルヘキヲ以テ政府ノ御裁量ニ依リ東京ニ於テ米国大使ニ対スル通告又ハ中外ニ対スル声明等然ルヘキ方法ニ依リ今次交渉ノ区切リヲ明カニセラルルコト得策ナルヤニ存セラル尤モ其ノ場合ニハ予メ当方へ御内報ノ上同時二申入ルコトト致シ度シ

3) ルーズベルト大統領から天皇宛親電


His Imperial Majesty
The Emperor of Japan.
Almost a century ago the President of the United States addressed to the Emperor of Japan a message extending an offer of friendship of the people of the United States to the people of Japan. That offer was accepted,and in the long period of unbroken peace and friendship which has followed,our respective nations, through the virtues of their peoples and the wisdom of their rulers have prospered and have substantially helped humanity.
Only in situations of extraordinary importance to our two countries need I address to Your Majesty messages on matters of state. I feel I should now so address you because of the deep and far reaching emergency which appears to be in formation.
Developments are occurring in the Pacific area which threaten to deprive each of our nations and all humanity of the beneficial Influence of the long peace between our two countries. Those developments contain tragic possibilities. The people of the United States, believing in peace and in the right of nations to live and let live, have eagerly watched the conversations between our two Governments during these past months. We have hoped for a termination of the present conflict between Japan and China. We have hoped that a peace of the Pacific could be consummated in such a way that nationalities of many diverse peoples could exist side by side without fear of invasion; that unbearable burdens of armaments could be lifted for them all; and that all peoples would resume commerce without discrimination against or in favor of any nation.
I am certain that it will be clear to Your Majesty, as it is to me, that in seeking these great objectives both Japan and the United States should agree to e1iminate any form of military threat. This seemed essential to the attainment of the high objectives.
More than a year ago Your Majesty's Government concluded an agreement with the Vichy Government by which five or six thousand Japanese troops were permitted to enter into Northern French Indo-China for the protection of Japanese troops which were operating against China further north. And this Spring and Summer the Vichy Government permitted further Japanese military forces to enter into Southern French Indo-China. I think I am correct in saying that no attack has been made upon Indo-China, nor that any has been contemplated.
During the past few weeks it has become clear to the world that Japanese military, naval and air forces have been sent to Southern Indo-China in such large numbers as to create a reasonable doubt on the part of other nations that this continuing concentration in Indo-China is not defensive in its character.
Because these continuing concentrations in Indo-China have reached such large proportions and because they extend now to the southeast and the southwest corners of the Peninsula, it is only reasonable that the people of the Philippines, of the hundreds of Islands of the East Indies, of Malaya and of Thailand itself are asking themselves whether these forces of Japan are preparing or intending to make attack in one or more of these many directions.
undertake to ask for the same assurance on the part of
I am sure that Your Majesty will understand that the fear of all these peoples is a legitimate fear in as much as it involves their peace and their national existence. I am sure that Your Majesty will understand why the people of the United States in such large numbers look askance at the establishment of military, naval and air bases manned and equipped so greatly as to constitute armed forces capable of measures of offense.
It is clear that a continuance of such a situation is unthinkable.
None of the peoples whom I have spoken of above can sit either indefinitely or permanently on a keg of dynamite.
There is absolutely no thought on the part of the United States of invading Indo-China if every Japanese soldier or sailor were to be withdrawn therefrom.
I think that we can obtain the same assurance from the Governments of the East Indies, the Governments of Malaya and the Government of Thailand. I would even undertake to ask for the same assurance on the part of the Government of China. Thus a withdrawal of the Japanese forces from Indo-China would result in the assurance of peace throughout the whole of the South Pacific area.
I address myself to Your Majesty at this moment in the fervent hope that Your Majesty may, as I am doing, give thought in this definite emergency to ways of dispelling the dark clouds. 1 am confident that both of us,for the sake of the peoples not only of our own great countries but for the sake of humanity in neighboring territories, have a sacred duty to restore traditional amity and prevent further death and destruction in the world.


December 6,1941.

外務省の日本外交文書デジタルコレクションの中に、12月8日の「東郷外務大臣・在本邦米国大使 会談」・「米国大統領親電への天皇陛下回答伝達に際しての駐日米国大使との会談要旨」という番号460の文書がある。そこに『本大臣ヨリ昨夜御持参相成リタル「ローズベルト」大統領ノ聖上陛下ニ対スル親電ニ関シテハ・・・・』とある。この会談の時に、”Establishment of peace in the Pacific and consequently of the workd has been the cherished desire of His Majesty, for the realization of which He has hitherto made the Government continue its earnest endeavors. His Majesty trusts that the President is fully aware of this fact.”を結びとする親電に対する回答を伝えた。そして、同時にグルー大使に真珠湾攻撃に際して米国政府への通告と同文を手渡した。

なお、この番号460の文書の付記3として、7日夜10時に米国グルー大使より重要緊急案件での会見申し入れあり、8日0時15分に外務大臣官邸に来訪あったこと。グルー大使との会談後、総理官邸に行き、更に2時半に天皇に参内。午前3時半頃帰邸とある。番号460の文書 には、注として「2. 親電ハ結局捧呈セラレサリシモノ十リ此点情報局ノ公表ハ事実ト相違ス」 とあり、大統領の親電は天皇陛下に渡っていることを述べている。但し、真珠湾攻撃開始の時刻を日本時間午前3時30分とし、その1時間前が空母からの離陸だとすれば、天皇が親電を読んだのは、ほぼ同時刻となる。



« 太平洋戦争開戦(その4)日米交渉 | トップページ | 太平洋戦争開戦(その6)新聞報道 »



投稿: rumichan | 2019年12月16日 (月) 06時47分



« 太平洋戦争開戦(その4)日米交渉 | トップページ | 太平洋戦争開戦(その6)新聞報道 »